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Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History No. 17
The Halifax Citadel, 1825-60: A Narrative and Structural History
by John Joseph Greenough
... we have nothing on Citadel Hill but a heap of ruins
I
The hill is a drumlin that is, a glacial rubbish heap.
Contrary to popular belief, the one element absent in the composition of
its summit is solid bedrock. It is an inconvenient place to build
anything and, without the proprietary interest of the military, the
early settlers of Halifax would probably have ignored it indeed,
they would most likely have put the town itself in a more convenient
location. The army, however, was quite incapable of leaving the hill
alone. One supposes that Cornwallis or his engineer, John Browse, took
one look at the tree-covered hump dominating everything in sight and,
ignorant of its true composition or even its exact shape, decided that
it was the ideal site for a fort to protect the new town. It was a
decision which would bedevil engineers for the next seventy-odd
years.
As the land was cleared around the new town-site, the truth became
apparent. From the harbour the hill was indeed imposing; from the
landward side, it was less so. Viewed from the swamp behind it, it was
only an egg-shaped hillock, rising 60 or 70 feet from the bottom of the
swamp, with a crest just big enough for a small redoubt. Less than 700
yards away to the southwest was a second hill, more substantial but
lower. From a military point of view, the second hill (Camp Hill) and
the swamp (now the central common) proved to be more important than
Citadel Hill's imposing view of the harbour, for their very existence
severely limited any possible alterations to the chosen site. While the
soil of the drumlin permitted it to be hacked down to a more convenient
shape, this could only be done to a limited extent. Only massive cutting
could alter the fundamental shape of the crest, which was inconveniently
narrow for regular fortifications, and this was inadvisable; any great
reduction in the overall height would make it impossible for the hill to
dominate the swamp, let alone Camp Hill.
Colonel James Arnold, writing in 1824, summed up the frustrations and
difficulties of military planning for the site.
[As a result] of the extreme narrowness of the ridge . . . but
little more space can be obtained without losing the Command from which
it now [?] derives its chief importance. A front of 400 feet on the
North and South sides, is the full extent that I think can be procurred
. . . and that it is much too short for any good flank defence from
itself, but that of the redan system to which . . . in this instance, I
see two objections; first, that by extending as far as I could
wish, the salient angles would be much too acute, and, secondly,
that sufficient space would not, by that plan, be afforded to the troop
. . . .
On the East and West fronts, a side of 800 feet may be procurred,
which, though short, is still sufficient to afford a very respectable
front, with three, or perhaps, four guns in each flank. Indeed,
considering the narrowness of the ridge, a longer front on those sides
would not be convenient, for the present perpendiculars are only 1/12;
and the space between the Curtains is little enough, whereas, if the
fronts were much longer, either little or no flank defence could be
obtained in that way, or the Curtains would actually meet . . .
I am aware that any work placed on it must be defective . . . .
Every Officer who has been here seems almost to have given the case up,
in despair.1
Between 1795 and 1824, three proposals were made to solve the
difficulty. The central problem in each design was the fortification of
the narrow northern and southern fronts and each attempt proposed a
different solution. Elements of two of these schemes eventually found
their way into the existing Citadel.
The first and most simple design was that of Captain James Straton,
and it was the only one of the three actually to be built (the third
citadel, 1795-96). Straton's design was a simple adaptation of the
regular bastion system and consisted of four more or less regular
bastions connected by curtains and enclosing a log and earth cavalier
which served both as gun platform and barracks.2 This had the
advantage of regular form and compactness, but was clearly inadequate on
the northern and southern fronts. These fronts were so short (400 feet)
that the regular bastion form, suitably reduced, looked ludicrous; the
flanks and curtains were little more than vestigial. It was obvious that
a more elaborate arrangement was necessary.
2 "Halifax from the Red Mill, Dartmouth," lithogragh by William Eager
(ca. 1839). The height of the hill (No. 9) is slightly exaggerated in
this view, but it does give a good idea of the imposing nature of the
site as viewed from the harbour. Most of Halifax is shown as well as
McNab Island (No. 1), Georges Island (No. 2) and the naval dockyard (at
the extreme right of the picture).
(Toronto Public Library.)
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The next engineer to tackle the problem was Colonel William Fenwick
who, in 1800, submitted a design for a permanent work to replace
Straton's.3 Fenwick attempted to take advantage of the most
obvious feature of the site, its smallness. He retained Straton's trace
more or less intact, but relegated it to second place as a sort of
outwork to his grand central keep, which occupied most of the crest of
the hill. The keep consisted of two large stone towers connected by a
masonry cavalier, the whole being more than 400 feet long and a minimum
of 50 feet wide. The towers were to be placed at the northern and
southern ends, and were to be surrounded at the base by a series of
masonry caponiers which were intended to make the towers
self-defensible. What Fenwick had in fact designed was a sort of
gigantic Martello tower. (The first three of Halifax's five towers had
been designed by Straton between 1796 and 1798.) The scheme was
relatively simple, if expensive; because the towers avoided the whole
problem of the short fronts, it was another 25 years before the military
finally abandoned Fenwick's idea.
In 1824, Colonel Arnold became the third engineer to attempt a
solution. He paid lip service to the virtues of Fenwick's towers
(largely, one suspects, because General Gother Mann, the Inspector
General of Fortifications, liked them), but decided that something more
elaborate was essential to protect the short fronts. He proposed that
the works be extended on these fronts, and that the extra space be used
to provide adequate flank protection. He also was the first engineer to
provide for casemates under the ramparts.4 Arnold's was the
most elaborate of the three schemes, and the only one which provided for
permanent construction of the whole work in masonry. It also presented
an elaborate compromise between Straton's regular system and Fenwick's
keep. In spirit, if not in form, Arnold's plan was the closest of the
three proposals to Colonel Nicolls's design for the present work, a
design which was made less than a year later.
II
Arnold's predecessors had been bedevilled by other problems than the
shape of the hill. What drove most of them to distraction was not so
much the site itself as the ruins of several generations of improvised
fortification which occupied it. These were the results of hasty
building in emergencies followed by years of neglect, largely resulting
from the long-standing disinclination of the British government to spend
money on colonial fortifications. The ruins were enough to irritate any
self-respecting engineer.
The early citadels were poor things at best.5 The first, a
simple log fort designed solely to keep out Indians, had lasted less
than a decade. The second was an octagonal blockhouse surrounded by
field fortifications which wound over the crest and down the slopes in
all directions, and had an equally brief and undistinguished career
although the blockhouse was obviously one of the ancestors of
Fenwick's elaborate keep. Even Straton's third citadel, an enormous
improvement on its predecessors, suffered from the same impermanence.
Like them it was constructed of sods and logs; like them, it began to
fall down almost as soon as it was built. Like them also, it had been
allowed to go to ruin until a military crisis the outbreak of the
War of 1812 prompted yet another round of emergency repairs. The
walls were re-sodded, the logs replaced and a new magazine was built.
The magazine was the first major innovation on the site; it was built of
masonry and, not surprisingly, outlasted the works surrounding it. By
1820 it was the second most visible landmark in the city and a rather
embarrassing monument to the virtues of permanent construction.
Sir James Carmichael Smyth, one of the men responsible for the
present citadel, put the argument for permanent construction succinctly.
He wrote in 1827,
[Recently] I had an opportunity of seeing for the first time a
report upon the province of Nova Scotia drawn up . . . in the year 1783
by the late General Morse . . . . It is curious, but it is melancholy
with a view to the public purse and the public service to observe that
with the exception of those changes which time and an increase of
population have brought about, our late reports and memoirs [the
Smyth report] as far as regards Nova Scotia, are in a great measure
but an echo of General Morse's . . . . He [observes] . . . that
more has been expended than would have been required to build a
respectable Fortress and which in page 66 he strongly recommends should
be constructed on Citadel Hill . . . . If in the year 1783, the
General's observations were just and his statement with respect to the
unprofitable expenditure of the public money upon temporary measures was
correct, how much more would his remarks apply in the present day when
so much additional money has been spent and we have nothing on Citadel
Hill but a heap of ruins.6
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