Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History No. 4
A Brief History of Lower Fort Garry
by Dale Miquelon
A Role Against Riel
In the Red River troubles of 1869-70 Lower Fort Garry
played a secondary but nonetheless important role which reflected the
feelings of neutrality and even hostility toward Riel characteristic of
the lower settlement of which the fort was the store and centre. William
Flett, clerk in charge of the post, recorded the events of the time in
the post journal. His entries display the animus of a conscientious
employee who regarded the insurgents activities as a clear-cut example
of unlawful challenge to constituted authority. Flett made a note of
whatever news he heard from visitors from the forks and what he saw on
his own visits to the upper fort. Thus many of the major events of the
rising can be traced in the journal.
The transfer of Rupert's Land without the
consultation of its inhabitants from the Hudson's Bay Company to the
Dominion of Canada was the basic cause of the Red River insurrection.
Open resistance began on 11 October 1869, when a group of Métis led by
Louis Riel stopped a Canadian government land survey which implied the
transfer's validity.1 The Métis had always held that they
possessed the land by virtue of their native blood and had reiterated
this belief first at Seven Oaks (1816) and second in the free-trade
controversy culminating in the Sayer trial (1849). Riel's eloquent
identification of the transfer as a danger to their property rights
brought considerable Métis support for his position that any union with
Canada must be the result of direct negotiation with the settlers.
Events moved rapidly, and on 28 October, Flett
recorded in the Lower Fort Garry journal, "Reports are reaching us every
day that the French half-breeds are intending to stop Governor McDougall the new
Dominion governor, as he enters the boundaries of the settlement and
return him back by an armed force. They have barracaded the public road
from Pembina and are guarding it as well as other roads leading from
that quarter."2 On 3 November, he added, "heard that the
half-breeds had taken possession of the Upper Fort."3
On 28 November, Alexander Begg went to the lower
settlement with news that English- and French-speaking groups had, after
much dispute, agreed to set up an executive council to negotiate with
Canada. At Lower Fort Garry he met Flett, and the two proceeded to a
nearby farm where they met with the settlers.4 But the
"appearance of adjustment to the disputed question" which Flett noted
in the journal was fleeting.5 On 1 December, McDougall, the
Canadian governor-designate who was at Pembina, issued on his own
authority a royal proclamation of the transfer of Assiniboia to Canada
and at the same time gave Colonel Stoughton Dennis a commission as
conservator of the peace, authorizing him to raise a force of men to
disperse the "rebels." The bogus proclamation opened a rift between
those settlers who did and those who did not believe in its
authenticity. Riel's convention drew up a list of rights which was to
serve as a basis of negotiation with Canada, and this was circulated to
counteract any effect the proclamation might have.
Meanwhile, the people of the lower settlement, who
viewed the whole train of events with alarm, had proceeded to organize
themselves. On Saturday, 27 November, Flett "sent up Mr. Watt by a
request of the Chairman of the Committee of Public
Safety with a verbal message regarding the occupation of this place by
armed men for its protection."6 The journal entry for Monday,
29 November, reads, "A number of young men under the instructions
of________commenced (this evening) military drill and exercise. Very
conflicting reports reach us every day regarding the movements of those
who are disturbing the peace of the settlement."7
As soon as he had received his commission from
McDougall, Dennis made for the lower fort where he anticipated strong
support. Flett recorded that he "took possession of this place in the
name of the Queen and Dominion Government and read the Queen's
Proclamation," and in the margin, "Intends to make it his
headquarters."8 The next day there were "men coming in from
all around to see Col. Dennis who is making active preparations in
organizing and enrolling men to support law and order."9
While Dennis was continuing his preparations and
supplies were "coming in for government from different parties," the
problem of supplies was leading to new trouble in the upper
settlement.10 There the Métis captured Dr. John Shultz and a
group of Canadians who were defending a supply of Canadian government
pork stored in Shultz's house. Flett described this as causing "a great
excitement."11 Some days later he went to the upper
settlement on business and was in time to see "the self-constituted
provisional government flag hoisted on the flag staff within the upper
fort and was present when the numerous volleys of Cannons and musketry
were fired in honor of the same, the brass band playing chorus
headed it is said by one of the priests."12 (This was, no
doubt, Père Dugast's school boys' band from St. Boniface.13)
While in Upper Fort Garry Riel was in the ascendant,
at the lower fort Dennis admitted his failure to raise an adequate force
among the almost neutral settlers and gave up. "Col. Dennis left here
last night," wrote Flett, "his destination is uncertain. He left orders
with his officers to pay off all the men who had been enrolled as well
as those who had been here on guard and his instructions was carried out
this evening and nearly all the men went to their respective
homes."14
On Monday, 13 December, Lower Fort Garry's gunpowder
was taken away by the settlers, probably to hide it from
Riel.15 On Tuesday the last "government
officials" left. Flett decided to tighten control in the uneasy
settlement and on Thursday stopped all liquor sales.16 This
attempt at prohibition was unsuccessful as explained in the following
journal entry:
A party with George Calder and Thomas Syms at
their head came and threatened if we would not sell them any rum they
would forcibly take it consequently in consideration of this troubled
times we thought it advisable to sell to every man according to his
means of purchasing the same.17
There now arrived in the settlement three good-will
ambassadors sent out by Sir John A. Macdonald to quiet apprehensions as
best they could. One of these was Donald Smith, resident governor of the
Company in Montreal. Smith manoeuvred Riel into allowing him to speak to
an assembly of the people. "Mr. Boyd brought a verbal message requesting
all loyal settlers to go to the upper fort to attend a general meeting
of the settlement," wrote Flett on Tuesday, 18 January.18 At
the meeting, Riel proposed the election of a convention of 20
English-speaking and 20 French-speaking settlers to consider Smith's
oration. On Monday, 24 January, Flett recorded, "Meetings were held
today to elect delegates from the different parishes to confer with the
French (tomorrow) regarding the present troubles in the
settlement."19 The convention duly met and accepted Smith's
proposal that they send delegates to negotiate with the Canadian
government at Ottawa.
While events were thus proceeding favourably, there
was a number of jail breaks by prisoners captured in the fight for the
government pork. A small band of Canadians led by a reluctant Colonel
Boulton, who had come to Red River with the surveyors, set out from
Portage La Prairie to liberate the remaining prisoners. When they
arrived in the settlement they found that the last of the prisoners had
been released, but they were themselves arrested and marched to the
cells of Upper Fort Garry. Boulton was condemned to death. The principal
of the escaped prisoners was Dr. Shultz; the search for him now led to
an interesting sequence of events at the lower fort.
On Sunday, 20 February, according to Alexander Begg,
"An expedition of over fifty men on horseback was started down the
settlement under charge of Le Pine & Isidore Goulait to search for
Dr. Shultz.... The party in search of Dr. Shultz found his wife in the
house of John Tait but no Dr. could be found....Alex, Fisher and
another man went down to the Stone Fort recon[n]oitering they
visited the Indians in that direction. Some told them there were 60 men
in the Lower Fort and they were returning to give Riel that information
when they met Myles McDermott who took them to the Stone Fort and showed
them the contrary."20 Flett noted the incident in his
journal.
The following day, Monday, 21 February, Flett wrote
in the margin of his journal, as if it were a late addition to a
previous entry, "Comm. D.A. Smith and Archdeacon McLean came down this
evening to consult with influential parties about quieting the troubles
if possible."21 That same evening, having received word that
it was not garrisoned, Riel determined to pay a surprise visit to the
lower fort, one of the few possible hiding places for Dr. Shultz which
had not been searched. Begg described the incident in his journal.
Last evening there was a general pressing in of
horses by the French stables were visited in the neighbourhood of
the town and wherever found horses were taken off without leave or
license. This was preparatory to another expedition to hunt up Shultz
a large party headed by Riel himself having set out for the Stone
Fort last night. They returned this morning about half past eight
O'Clock without having found him they were in search of. They took with
them Mr. John Tait whom they restored to his home. While down the
settlement they visited and ransacked the Stone Fort taking the
keys of all but the provision store away with them when they left.... It
is...said that Riel while down on the expedition last night was
disguised so that his best friend would not have known him the
disguise was said to consist partly of a long red
beard.22
The report of the disguise is probably true since
Flett did not recognize Riel in the group and merely noted, "A party of
French came down numbering about between 60 and 70."23
The midnight ride of the red-bearded Riel has great
romantic potential in the hands of a storyteller of even shambling
imagination. More easily enjoyed than believed is Sheriff Inkster's
later recollection that "Riel pushed into the Archdeacon's bedroom,
thinking Schultz might be the occupant, pulled the bed-clothes roughly
from the bed and frightened the Archdeacon nearly out of his
wits."24
Did Riel talk with Donald Smith? Folk legend attaches
great importance to a "midnight interview" in which Riel could not win
Smith's support and left the fort resigned to the failure of his
mission.25 But Smith and Riel had frequent opportunity to
talk, and it is not necessary to insist upon such dramatic circumstances
for a confrontation. They did have one interview two days earlier,
however, which has some resemblance to that of legend.
The capture of the Canadians from Portage and the
intended execution of Colonel Boulton had again divided the settlement.
On Saturday, 19 February, Riel had promised to spare Boulton's life in
return for Smith's promise to persuade the English and English
half-breed settlers to elect delegates to a second provisional
government which it had earlier been agreed to establish. This is why
Smith and McLean were in the lower settlement.26 It is
possible that this earlier and successful meeting between Riel and Smith
was seen as a failure in the light of subsequent events and that the
whole sequence was transferred in the public imagination to the lower
fort.
Although the tale of a midnight interview is untrue,
the two raids on the lower settlement were significant because, in the
words of Alexander Begg, they "tended greatly to embitter the minds of
the English settlers, as it looked like a defiance to them after the
late rising against the French."27 The mission of Smith and
McLean was of the utmost importance and insured the success of the
second provisional government.
Of the Portage Canadians made prissoner on 18
February, none was more troublesome than Thomas Scott, who had earlier
been captured at Shultz's house and then escaped. The execution of Scott
on 4 March is a blot on Riel's reputation and was directly responsible
for his downfall. This was not immediately apparent. On 8 March, Bishop
Taché arrived in Red River with the general amnesty of the
Governor-General of Canada. He spent two nights at Lower Fort Garry
while explaining events to the Indians who lived nearby.28 On
23 and 24 March, delegates were sent to Ottawa to negotiate the entry of
Assiniboia into confederation, and on 12 May, the Manitoba Act was given
royal assent.
The first warnings of trouble came from Père Richot,
Red River's principal negotiator, who returned to the settlement in June
with news that the amnesty would not cover the execution of Scott and
that English Canadians were demanding Riel's life. Then it was heard
that a military force was being sent to the colony with the new
Lieutenant-Governor. The settlement waited.
In the third week of July, a Captain Butler of the
69th British Regiment arrived in Manitoba from St. Paul. On 21 July, he
went to Lower Fort Garry where he remained for two days. After a brief
trip to the upper fort to see Riel, he returned, engaged a canoe and
hastened to Fort Alexander to meet Colonel Wolsley and the troops who
were coming by the Canadian route.29 On 26 July, Mr. Boyd and
Reverend Gardener followed with a brigade of boats.30 Nearly
a month later Flett recorded with much satisfaction, "This morning Mr.
Smith with Col. Wolsley with the long looked for troops arrived here
amidst the cheers of the settlers. After stopping for breakfast the
colonel with all his detachment left here with their boats and canoes
for the upper fort to dislodge the rascally rebels and to establish law
and order in the country."31
The troops arrived at Upper Fort Garry the following
day and entered without resistance. Across the river in St. Boniface,
Riel remarked to two companions, "No matter what happens now, the rights
of the Métis are assured by the Manitoba Act; this is what I wanted
My mission is finished."32 Flett noted in his journal,
"Riel Runs for his life the cowardly dog."33
On 26 August, the first detachment of volunteers
arrived at Lower Fort Garry under "Colonel Waneewright." On Sunday
another brigade arrived, and on Tuesday the last of this first battalion
of the Ontario Rifles camped at the lower fort for the night before
moving up-river. The first company of the Second Battalion, Quebec
Rifles, appeared on Wednesday, 31 August. Over the next few days the
remainder of the Quebec Rifles arrived, and Flett proceeded to ready
Lower Fort Garry for their winter accommodation. The stores were turned
into barracks as they had been in 1846, and the troops were soon in
winter quarters.34 Lieutenant-Governor Archibald held a levee
at the lower fort on Tuesday, 6 September. "A great many of the
volunteer officers and most respectable of the settlers and clergy were
invited to attend."35 In the course of the next few months,
Archibald spent several nights at the lower fort while passing between
Winnipeg and the Indian settlement.
The presence of soldiers resulted in great animation
at the fort. The old stone store was repaired and used as a barracks.
The strain on facilities was apparently great, and on 19 September,
Duncan McRae and Robert Clouston arrived to lay the foundations for a
new storehouse, 24.5 feet by 50 feet.36 The Company's barn
was reshingled and loaded with grain taken out of the stores. Guard
rooms, cells, and officers' quarters were all arranged. A small house
was erected outside the fort near the forge.37 In January,
the fort became more lively still with the arrival of the battalion's
brass instruments from Upper Fort Garry.38 On 27 January, the
"Varieties Club had theatricals...after 8 o'clock and after that the
officers of the battalion had a dance."39 It may have been
the presence of troops which prompted the Hudson's Bay Company to
commence brewing at the lower fort, and on 18 April 1871, the first beer
was put in the cellars.40 If this was the reason, production
began a little late, for on 7 June, the troops began to leave for
eastern Canada.41
Lower Fort Garry was not yet entirely finished with
regular troops. On 4 October 1871, a proclamation was sent down from the
forks "to warn all and sundry to organize and prepare themselves to arm
to repel the Fenian Raid,"42 a minor incursion into Canadian
territory organized by Riel's old associate, O'Donoghue.
The effectiveness of O'Donoghue's raid was
considerably lessened by Riel's support of the new government at the
head of his own Métis forces.43 The next day the fort's
square was full of farmers trying to fit themselves into the pattern of
military drill, just as many had done exactly two years before. On
Friday, they managed to obtain 44 rifles for the protection of the fort.
By Saturday, reports came that the American army had stopped the Fenians
at Pembina. Nevertheless, the next morning all the volunteers were
ordered to the upper fort, On Tuesday, they returned to their homes, the
comic opera over.44
In the meantime the government had decided to
garrison the forts. On 19 October, a Mr. Provost and 15 soldiers arrived
at the lower fort to pass the winter, and on 2 November, Colonel Smith
and Majors Irvine and Peebles came down to make arrangements to station
50 soldiers and 2 officers at the fort. On Saturday, the troops arrived
at Upper Fort Garry from Canada, and on Sunday, the detachment was in
the lower fort. Provost and his 15 men returned to
the upper fort.45 On 28 November, Flett was
pleasantly surprised when a group of officers visiting from the upper
fort gave him a set of silver plate sent by the Quebec battalion which
had passed the previous winter there.46
So Red River colony became Manitoba; and Lower Fort
Garry, which had always been a secondary post in the fur trade, was the
scene of many events that marked the settlement's troubled passage from
colony to province. In the years that followed, commercial activities at
the fort increased as it entered that period of its history when the
transportation revolution was making of it, in Donald Gunn's words, "the
most important post the Hon. Company has in the
country."47
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