Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History No. 11

A History of Fort George, Upper Canada

by Robert S. Allen

With the outbreak of hostilities at Lexington and Concord in 1775, both the British and the Americans endeavoured to secure Indian assistance. In Boston, the commander in chief of the British forces in North America, Major General Thomas Gage, urged such a policy; and Colonel Guy Johnson, nephew and son-in-law of the late Sir William Johnson and recently appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern Department, perceived that various measures were being taken by "New England Missionaries and others to alienate the affections of the Indians and Spirit them up to bad purposes."¹ Most of the tribes, however, gravitated toward Great Britain rather than the colonies. The king, as represented by the British Indian Department, had a history of just dealings with the native peoples. Indeed, the principal duty of the British Indian agents had been to protect the various tribes from acts of aggression or depredation by the white settlers.²

The American Revolution along the western frontier thus became, as had other white confrontations there, an Indian war. The tribes waged war in an attempt to retard the advance of American migrants, and to secure the native life style of nomadic hunting and fishing. The conflict was cruel and bloody. The wanton destruction of property and the indiscriminate slaughter of women and children at Cherry Valley, Gnadenhutten, Standing Stone village. and the well-publicized torture of Colonel Crawford all illustrate this frontier barbarism,³ With the long contest nearing its completion, the Indians won two successive and decisive battles at Sandusky and Blue Licks in June and August of 1782.⁴ These victories, and in particular the latter in which the legendary Daniel Boone was among the routed, seemingly assured the preservation of Indian culture in the "Old Northwest." But in Europe, Britain was terminating a costly and unpopular war, and the boundary provisions of the Treaty of Paris gave to the United States this entire region which the Indian tribes had just successfully defended.⁵ The news of the treaty had a traumatic and immediate effect upon the tribes which feared the loss of their lands and American retaliation. "The Indians are Thunderstruck," wrote Frederick Haldimand, governor of Quebec, "At the appearance of an Accommodation so far short of their expectations from the Language that had been held out to them, and Dread the idea at being forsaken by us, and becoming a Sacrifice to a Vengeance which has already in many instances been raked upon them."⁶ Shocked and angered, the tribes argued that they were the faithful allies of the King, but not his subjects. Therefore, "he had no right whatever to grant away to the United States, their rights or properties without a manifest breach of all Justice and Equity, and they would not submit to it."⁷

The British garrison commanders did their utmost to convince their former native allies that England had not forsaken them, but there was a general fear that the Indians, embittered by the treaty, would attack the western posts. The horrible memories of the Pontiac Rebellion just 20 years earlier kept the British officers alert and cautious. In spite of the constant and sincere efforts of the British officers and Indian agents to establish amicable relations between the Americans and the Indians, depredations continued.

As a result of the continuation of violence on the frontier, Haldimand devised a binding policy for the defence of British North America, but more particularly for the weakly defended and unpopulated upper province of Quebec. In a letter of explanation in November 1783 to Lord North, the Governor indicated that such a disastrous event as an Indian war, which would result in death and destruction for the Indian tribes and for British and Americans alike, "cannot be prevented so effectually as by allowing the posts to remain as they are for some time. . . the intermediate country (the limits assigned to Canada by the Provisional treaty of 1782 and those established northwest of the River Ohio in 1768 [by the Treaty of Fort Stanwix]) should be considered entirely as belonging to the Indians."⁸ This was the crucial proposal to retain the posts indefinitely and preserve the Ohio valley as a convenient Indian buffer state between the upper province of Quebec and the advancing American frontier.

The traditional argument of many American historians that Britain continued to hold the posts for the sake of preserving the British fur trade monopoly is not supported by the facts. The northwest fur trade yielded an annual revenue of only £200,000 of which two-thirds came from the American side of the boundary.⁹ From the British standpoint the financial loss would be minimal, as it did not matter whether the furs were gathered by British or American traders because the pelts would still find their way to London, the great emporium for the trade. Thus British manufacturers would still profit and the only sufferers would be the British traders in Canada. But again, the loss to the traders in Canada would not be drastic because the larger portion of the furs gathered in American territory would pass through Montreal, which possessed natural advantages over American ports in the east, owing to its easy access by lake and river. The total cost of retaining the posts, by contrast, was estimated at £800,000 per year.¹⁰ From a purely financial or economic standpoint, it was in the interest of Britain to deliver the posts to the Americans as soon as possible. Therefore, one must seek other reasons for Britain's violation of the treaty.

The retention of the posts was owing primarily to a British error and secondarily to an American weakness. One of the most striking blunders in the whole history of British imperial policy was the utter neglect of the Indians in the peace negotiations with the United States. When news of the proposed boundary provisions of the treaty reached British North America in April 1783, the violent reaction of the merchants, army officers and especially the Indians caused a reappraisal of western policy in Whitehall. Although committed to the treaty, the British devised a new policy based on two objectives. One was to persuade the Indians that their interest lay in coming to terms with the Americans. The second, proposed in Quebec and accepted at Whitehall, was to restore the shattered confidence of the Indians in the British. Herein lay the dilemma, since to achieve one objective was to destroy the other.

The British violation of the treaty passed through several stages. Originally the retention of the posts was intended to be temporary and to cover the liquidation of British fur-trading interests south of the boundary line; then, it was to prevent another Pontiac revolt which would have taken the lives of many British, Americans and Indians; and finally, a ready excuse was found to postpone the evacuation indefinitely when, in violation of articles of the treaty, Americans failed to pay their debts to British creditors and confiscated Loyalist properties.¹¹

As well, the weakness of the central government of the new republic was a vital stimulant for British retention of the western posts. Working under the Articles of Confederation, the federal government of the United States had neither the financial means nor the authority to stop the migration of American backwoodsmen, or to devise a uniform land and Indian policy. The backwoodsman, the natural enemy of the Indian, encroached on Indian lands and atrocities were exchanged. The British, by retaining the posts, aided the Loyalists trekking to the upper province of Quebec, renewed the allegiance of the Indians, checked American expansion and, of vital significance, bought time to entrench monarchical institutions in the frontier of British North America and thus prevented the region from being engulfed by American republicanism.

The British were prepared, however, to leave the posts as early as 1789. By then, the upper province had gained a semblance of order and stability; the United States had adopted its constitution which gave the central government the power to inaugurate a realistic and binding land and Indian policy; the fur trade had shifted to the far northwest beyond Lake Superior, and the outbreak of the French Revolution caused more important politico-constitutional problems for Britain and forced colonial problems in America into the background. The final blow was the battle of Fallen Timbers, 20 August 1794, which shattered the last remnants of Indian resistance in the Ohio valley. The Jay Treaty quickly followed in November of that year and the British evacuated the posts in June of 1796, no doubt happy to be relieved of the responsibility and cost of maintaining order on the northwestern frontier of the United States.¹²

After the surrender of the disputed western posts, British military forces in Upper Canada were reduced as an era of Anglo-American cordiality was seemingly assured. This left only 500 men of the Queen's Rangers and Royal Canadian Volunteers to garrison Kingston, York, and the replacement forts that were to be constructed in Canadian territory: Fort St. Joseph on the island of that name in the mouth of St. Mary's River; Fort Malden, at Amherstburg on the Detroit River, and Fort George. across the river from Fort Niagara.¹³

The location of Fort George, on the west bank of the Niagara River, was carefully chosen. The post was approximately one mile from Lake Ontario and adjacent to the little town of Newark, which until 1796 was the seat of the provincial assembly. Major Robert Matthews, military secretary (1778-86) to Haldimand and his successors, made an official tour of inspection of the western frontier posts for the purpose of preparing a special report on the subject of the contemplated evacuation for the information of the colonial secretary. Matthews reported in 1787,

I went from Quebec to Detroit having various instructions from Lord Dorchester, one of which was to make every possible enquiry respecting places of Embarkation and fit Posts upon the Lakes Ontario and Erie as substitutes for those at present occupied, in the event of their being given up to the United States of America. From the best information as well as from my former knowledge of the Country, I found that on Lake Ontario there is no place beyond Niagara fit for that purpose nearer to it than Toronto. There is a point of land, on our side of the River, opposite to Niagara which forms the mouth of the River, equally well situated to command the entrance of it—about 1100 yards up the River, on the same side there is a harbour where the vessels formerly wintered and where they can run alongside a Quay.¹⁴

As further insurance, the British in 1792 negotiated a land treaty with the local Mississauga Indians in which the natives, for £1180 75s. 4d., released to His Majesty and heirs and successors "All that tract of parcell of land lying and being between Lakes Ontario and Erie beginning at Lake Ontario four miles south westerly from the point opposite to Niagara fort known by the name of Messissague [sic] point."¹⁵

Isaac Weld, an English traveller, described the Niagara Peninsula as it was in 1797.

At Niagara we were landed at Mississagua Point an agreeable walk of a mile to the town, many Indians present, 70 houses, Court House, Jail and a building intended for Legislative bodies. . . . On the margin of the river three quarters of a mile from the town stands Navy Hall, opposite it a spacious wharf, adjoining it extensive stores belonging to the crown and private persons. . . . The new block house at Fort George is nine feet higher than the top of the stone house at Fort Niagara and commands every part of the fort. It is proposed to erect a fort at Mississagua Point, a still better situation than the block house.¹⁶

Although Weld described the Fort George blockhouse in 1797, the construction of the new British post was painstakingly long and tedious. In May 1799, ice flowing in immense quantities down the Niagara River from Lake Erie made it impossible to get the logs down to the site, However, Lieutenant Colonel John Macdonell, the military commandant, noted that the works of defence which had begun in the spring were going well, and the progress made on the earthworks of the several batteries was particularly encouraging.

1 The Niagara Peninsula military triangle. circa 1812, showing the relationship between Fort George, Fort Niagara and Mississauga Point. (Public Archives of Canada.)

In July construction was continuing with increasing rapidity and two of the bastions were nearly cased. The pickets had finally arrived, and Macdonell speculated that two sides of the work would be enclosed very soon; he hoped that the whole would be completed quickly. The engineer, Macdonell continued, was indefatigable and the troops were working cheerfully, in spite of the stench from the nearby marsh.¹⁷

A temporary setback occurred, however, when 6,000 of the pickets, which were delivered to the fort for enclosure, were found to be smaller in diameter than the required 5 to 8 inches. These pickets were insufficiently strong and inadequate to cover the proposed perimeter. A further supply of larger pickets was hurriedly obtained and by the autumn of 1799, Fort George was completed.¹⁸

This first Fort George consisted of six small bastions faced with framed timber and plank, and connected by a line of cedar picketing 12 feet in height. Circling the entire fortification was a shallow dry ditch. The solid earth bastions were floored with planks in order to provide durable platforms for heavy cannon, and the parapets were pierced with numerous gun embrasures. Two roads led to the fort passing through the northwest and southeast gates, each of which was protected by a triangular outwork called a redan. The southeast entrance was soon considered as an unnecessary source of weakness and was closed sometime prior to the War of 1812. As Isaac Weld had indicated earlier, the post was located in a strategically poor position since it neither commanded the entrance of the Niagara River nor protected the town of Newark. But the British theorized that by building at Mississauga Point they would have been more readily exposed to the guns of the more impressive stone and brick fort on the American side of the Niagara River.

Within the fort were five defensible barrack buildings or blockhouses. All the blockhouses were two stories high, constructed of thick squared logs and possessing splinter-proof roofs. There was also a small octagonal blockhouse in the southeast redan which could provide additional protective fire. A stone powder magazine was constructed, but although arched and enclosed by a thick, high embankment of earth to protect it from cannon fire, it was not considered bomb-proof. In addition the post included a spacious building for the officers, a kitchen, hospital, guardhouse and store house. (See Fig. 2)

"The situation is pretty," wrote traveller John Maude in 1800. "The fort new and remarkably neat, built on the edge of a handsome green or common skirted by a few tolerable houses. The Garrison consisted of the Queen's Rangers and Canadian Volunteers. Although a warm day the officers were playing fives. They were on good terms with the American officers."¹⁹

This peace and tranquility was shattered, however, by the renewal of war between Britain and France in 1803. A year earlier, during the short-lived peace of Amiens, the British army in North America, as an austerity measure, had disbanded the several provincial corps and the Queen's Rangers, leaving only the newly arrived 49th Regiment of Foot to garrison the widely scattered posts in Upper Canada. The commander of this unit was the youthful and energetic Colonel Isaac Brock.²⁰

2 British plan of Fort George, 1799. (Public Archives of Canada.) (click on image for a PDF version)

3 British plan of Fort George, 1812. (Public Archives of Canada.) (click on image for a PDF version)

4 British plan of Fort George, 1813. (Public Archives of Canada.) (click on image for a PDF version)

For the rank and file of British regiments of foot, garrisoning frontier posts was a lonely and boring ordeal. The poor pay and excessively strict discipline resulted in frequent desertions, particularly when there was easy access across the border to the United States. In the autumn of 1803, a full-fledged mutiny almost broke out at Fort George. The post commander at that time was Lieutenant Colonel Roger Hale Sheaffe, whose harsh measures were not popular with the men. The plan of the mutineers was to place the officers in cells, then march to Queenston and cross the river into the state of New York; the murder of Sheaffe was contemplated as well. The plot was discovered accidentally when the servant of an officer of the Royal Artillery met a soldier of the 49th who asked him the hour. On being informed the soldier muttered some threatening obscenity regarding Sheaffe and ran to the fort. The servant reported the incident to his officer who went to Sheaffe. The soldier was summoned and questioned, and showing signs of guilt was detained in a guardroom cell. Another soldier then openly confessed to the conspiracy and said he had been persuaded by a sergeant of the 49th, who told him that he and his wife and children would be much more comfortable in the United States than in the regiment. A despatch was promptly sent to Colonel Brock at York who hurried down to Fort George and through a combination of rhetoric and force quelled the proposed mutiny. Twelve mutineers who had been apprehended from the Fort George affair and seven deserters from York were sent to Quebec for trial. They were found guilty and four of the mutineers and three of the deserters were condemned to be shot on 2 March 1804. The sentences were carried out, and upon reading the announcement of the executions to the men of the 49th, Brock displayed such emotional distress that the entire parade was visibly moved, and several soldiers in the ranks declared a determination never to disgrace the regiment again. Soon after this unfortunate incident Brock took over command at Fort George, and put into practice more humane methods of treating the common soldier. The men were allowed, under proper restrictions, to visit the town freely; they could also fish in fatigue dress, and shoot wild pigeons if they provided their own powder and shot.²¹

By the summer of 1804, a calm had apparently returned to the frontier garrison at Fort George. In a letter of thanks the poet Thomas Moore wrote: "To Colonel Brock of the 49th who commanded at Fort George and to the officers I am particularly indebted for much kindness during the fortnight I remained at Niagara."²² However, the problems of discipline and morale were still serious, and a solution was set forth in a submission made by Brock to Field Marshall H. R. H. Frederick, Duke of York, commander in chief, All His Majesty's Forces, early in 1806. The suggestion was that a veteran battalion of older soldiers of good character and long service toward a pension could assume garrison duty at the lonely frontier posts, as they were unlikely to desert. The advice was accepted and a 10th Royal Veteran Battalion was formed for service in North America. This unit arrived in Canada the following summer and began its garrison duties.²³ About this same time, George Heriot, deputy postmaster general of British North America, provided a fairly full and interesting description of Fort George and its environs while on tour.

On the western bank, about a mile higher up the river [than Fort Niagara] the British fort is situated on ground several feet more elevated than the last. It is likewise constructed of earth and cedar pickets, and the buildings contained in it are executed with much neatness, taste, and accommodation. On the border of the river, and beneath the fort, there are several buildings consisting of storehouses and barracks, one of which is called Navy Hall, and is contiguous to a wharf, where vessels load and unload. A swamp in the vicinity becomes, at particular seasons, from the stagnated vapours exhaled from it, prejudicial to the health of those whose residence is by the river, and sometimes to that of troops in the garrison. A plain, whose extent in every direction is near a mile, intervenes between the town of Niagara and Fort George, the name of the fortress already described.²⁴

The "Chesapeake Affair" of June 1807, however, abruptly destroyed this unruffled scene. H.M.S. Leopard had attacked the U.S.S. Chesapeake at sea, only 8 miles off the Virginia coast, for refusing to permit a search for British deserters. The death of three Americans, the wounding of eighteen others, and the removal of four alleged deserters from the crippled Chesapeake aroused and united American public opinion in a demand for a redemption of national honour.²⁵ The bellicose American reaction and the fear of reprisals caused a "war scare" in the weakly defended British settlements of North America. By October traveller Charles Prenline observed considerable activity around Fort George, where a large number of troops were stationed and under very strict discipline. Also the arrival of Lieutenant General Sir James Craig as captain general and governor in chief of British North America brought some degree of unity and solidarity to the British defence plan. Craig had secret instructions from Lord Castlereagh, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, which were quite specific. They commenced by expressing the hope that the crisis might be resolved amicably. If not, the British government would adopt the "most vigorous and Energetic Measures" to bring the Americans to their senses.²⁶ Craig's own conduct of the defence of the Canadas was spelled out clearly, in line with the strategy that had been evolving over the years and that placed ultimate reliance upon possession of the fortress of Quebec. "Your first object will be to preserve Quebec, to which all other considerations must be subordinate."²⁷

5 The British fort at Niagara. An 1806 painting by George Heriot. (Public Archives of Canada.)

Upper Canada was thus left in a rather precarious situation. A strength return for that province of 11 November 1808 showed 24 sergeants, 22 drummers and only 411 rank and file.²⁸ A worried Francis Gore, lieutenant governor of Upper Canada, wrote Craig and proposed a defence strategy for the upper province. "In case of war with the United States," Gore argued, "we must control the lakes, send detachments from Fort George to Amherstburgh to check the American threat from Detroit, and use the Indians."²⁹

Ever since the evacuation of the western posts in 1796, the British Indian Department had been based in British territory at Fort St. Joseph, Fort Malden and Fort George. After the Chesapeake crisis of 1807, the department had been instructed by Castlereagh to cultivate and renew Indian friendship in the event of open hostilities erupting between Britain and the United States.³⁰ But the Indians had learned two bitter lessons in 1783 and 1794 when the British had abandoned their native allies to the mercy of American expansion. Thus, at a large gathering in the council house outside Fort George in August of 1808, the Indians told William Claus, deputy superintendent general of Indian Affairs, that "They are in great distress for Bread... But, that they had come to a Determination to sit quiet in case of any quarrel between the King and America, and not to spill the Blood of the white men, yet their friendship for the King was firm." In fact at two further meetings in March, 1809, a month after Gore's letter to Craig, the Indians complained vehemently about the difficulties they were having with the white men in the British settlement at Newark who had settled on their lands, stolen their hogs, worked their horses, given them no redress and told the Indians that they possessed no land.³¹

By June, 1811, the various pressures of office, coupled with the constant threat of war with the United States, forced the aging and sick Sir James Craig into voluntary retirement. In order to familiarize Sir George Prevost, Craig's successor, with the military and defensive situation in Upper and Lower Canada, a detailed "Report of the State of the Fortified Posts in Both the Canadas" was prepared by Lieutenant Colonel Bruyeres of the Royal Engineers.

In the present situation of the posts in Upper Canada, there is not one situation that can be considered safe as a depot. The works are faced and lined with wood, the bastions connected by palisades. The buildings are of wood, liable at all times to accident by fire, and within the power of an enemy to be burnt whenever he chose to undertake it.

A depot at a distance from the frontier is much wanted, where the powder, ammunition, field pieces, small arms and naval stores not immediately wanted might be kept in more safety, and where an establishment might be formed for making and repairing carriages, and other purposes essential to the service. . . York seems to present a situation well adapted for such a purpose.

In regard to Fort George specifically, Bruyeres stated, "the whole of this work is very much out of repair, and its situation and construction very defective, and cannot be considered capable of much defense."³²

Also at this same time the Royal Artillery issued a report on the state of the field artillery in the Canadas. Fort George, with its three officers and twenty-one gunners, was considered the principal military station and depot in Upper Canada. The guns at the post consisted of "Six 12-pounders, three 9-pounders and one mortar, all of iron; of brass, one 12-pounder, five light 6-pounders, four 3-pounders and a 5-1/2 inch howitzer with cars; five cast iron mortars with carriages and harness."³³

Sir George Prevost, on 13 September 1811, assumed his duties as captain general and governor in chief of British North America. With the threat of war imminent, Prevost was anxious for additional troops but the bitter and costly Peninsular War in Spain against the French, and the necessity of maintaining troops in South Africa, India, Ceylon, and other outposts of the Second British Empire, meant that the military manpower available in North America was the most that Sir George Prevost could expect. The British regulars and fencibles immediately available in the Canadas totalled roughly 5,600 effectives, but only 1,200 were garrisoning the widely scattered posts in Upper Canada, the most exposed to attack.³⁴

6 Brock as Fort George, 1812, by J D. Kelly. (Public Archives of Canada.)

The enthusiastic Brock, recently promoted to the rank of major general, disliked the existing defensive concept that Upper Canada would have to be abandoned in the face of an American invasion. In a long letter to Prevost, he argued that,

A strong stand could and should be made. If the western Indians were supplied by the British and encouraged to make war, the Americans would be kept too busy to threaten Upper Canada. But before we can expect an active co-operation on the part of the Indians the reduction of Detroit and Michilimackinac must convince that people, who conceive themselves to have been sacrificed in 1794, to our policy, that we are earnestly engaged in the War.³⁵

The following February Brock withdrew his application for leave, "being now placed in a high, ostensible situation, and the state of public affairs with the American Government indicating a strong presumption of an approaching rupture." Throughout the spring of 1812, Brock was in constant communication with Prevost discussing defensive strategy as well as recruiting and training Canadian militia.³⁶

Before Prevost had a chance to visit Upper Canada and personally assess the defence preparations, he received a letter from the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies requesting a detailed appreciation of the military situation in North America. Prevost's lengthy reply included an appraisal of Fort George.

A temporary field work at the head of Lake Ontario, now repairing to render it tenable, but in its most improved State, it cannot make much resistance against an Enemy in considerable force. The Garrison consists of about 400 men of the 41st Regiment, Commanded by Colonel Procter. In event of Hostilities it would be highly advantageous to gain possession of Fort Niagara to secure the navigation of the river.³⁷

The long expected outbreak of hostilities commenced on 18 June 1812 when the United States declared war on Great Britain and proceeded to invade Canada. According to popular legend, the news of the war reached Fort George during a dinner held in honour of the American officers at Fort Niagara. The British officers insisted that the evening be completed, and then accompanied the Americans to their boats where there was much handshaking and expressions of comradeship, although both sides knew that they would soon face one another as enemies.³⁸

In the summer of 1812, the picturesque hamlet of Newark consisted of 2 churches, a court house and jail, an Indian council house, an academy in which Latin and Greek were taught, a printing house, 6 taverns, 20 stores and about 100 dwellings of brick, stone or neatly painted wood. The population was estimated at between 500 and 600. The decaying Fort George, adjacent to the town, served as the principal British post on the Niagara frontier and as general military headquarters for Upper Canada (see Fig. 3).³⁹

Brock's first reaction to the news of the war had been to undertake offensive preparation. But remembering the repeated instructions of Prevost to adhere to the defensive strategy approved of earlier, he contented himself with assembling and organizing the militia in the Niagara peninsula which turned out cheerfully to the number of 800 men to supplement the 400 regulars of the 41st Foot garrisoning Fort George. There were no tents, blankets, kettles, and even the lack of muskets was overlooked by most militiamen in their initial enthusiasm to do something.⁴⁰ Brock estimated that there were 1,200 American regulars and militia mobilized along the opposite shore; in reality the equally confused commander of the small American garrison at Fort Niagara expected hourly to be attacked and was frantically pleading for reinforcements. The British victory at Michilimackinac in mid-July, however, persuaded Brock, in spite of the danger to the Niagara sector, to lead detachments of the 41st and Canadian Militia to Amherstburg, which had been menaced by the Americans under Brigadier General William Hull since 12 July.

At Detroit, Hull was beset with difficulties. The Indians had cut off his supply lines, his officers distrusted him, and the Michigan militia was dissolving. General Brock, supported by the Indians under Tecumseh, effected a bold crossing of the Detroit River and demanded the surrender of the town. Hull, who was also the governor of Michigan Territory, was responsible for the welfare of its inhabitants. The menace posed by the Indians of the Northwest had undoubtedly become an obsession with him and he feared for the safety of the women and children. With these problems weighing heavily upon him, Hull surrendered on 16 August 1812.⁴¹

The successes at Michilimackinac and Detroit provided a quick and decisive reversal of the military situation, and credit must be given in large measure to the Indian allies whose presence was vital to the British war effort in the opening months of the war. Also, these victories encouraged the Indians already on the British side, won over the waverers and made neutrals of those who might have joined the Americans. In September, Brock wrote to Prevost that the Six Nations at Grand River, which had earlier professed neutrality, were assembling in great numbers at Fort George. "They appear ashamed of themselves," wrote Brock, "and promise to whipe away the disgrace into which they have fallen by their late conduct."⁴²

Throughout September and October of 1812, both the British and Americans concentrated on military preparations along the Niagara River. The American area commander, Major General Van Rensselaer wrote to his superior that,

The enemy continue their operations with great activity, fortifying their camp at Fort George in every direction. Seven of the 24-pounders taken at Detroit are there mounted, part on travelling carriages.⁴³

The British were expecting an American invasion across the Niagara River at any moment, and at Fort George the enemy was watched with unceasing vigilance. An order was issued on 2 October directing one-third of the troops "to sleep with their clothes fully accoutred and ready to turn out at a moments notice." By 6 October, the whole of the regulars and militia were to be under arms by the first break of day and they were not to be dismissed until full daylight. By 12 October all communications with the enemy were forbidden, unless expressly authorized by the commanding general.⁴⁴

The American invasion of the Niagara Peninsula finally commenced on 13 October. Awakened at Fort George by the sound of the American guns supporting the crossing from Lewiston, Brock waited until he was certain the real attack was not aimed at Fort George, and then mounted his horse and rode toward Queenston Heights. The Americans had already gained a foothold on the heights, and more were crossing the river to the British side. Brock, with the small contingent available on the scene, rashly decided to attempt a dislodgement of the American forces established on the slope. The little British force with Brock at its head charged up the hill. His imposing figure made an easy target and an American sharpshooter's bullet pierced his left breast. He died almost immediately. Major General Roger Sheaffe had followed behind Brock with reinforcements from Fort George. The British, supported by Indian allies, flanked the Americans, burst through the woods, and succeeded in forcing the Americans on the heights to surrender.⁴⁵

While the battle at Queenston was raging, the guns at Fort George had been duelling all morning with those of the opposing Fort Niagara. The Americans turned the whole of their artillery upon Fort George and the neighbouring village with such disastrous effect that in a few minutes the jail and court house and 15 or 16 other buildings were set on fire by the red-hot shot from the American guns only 900 yards away. Finally, the Fort George batteries under the direction of Brigade Major Evans succeeded in silencing Fort Niagara and forced the enemy to abandon their posts.⁴⁶

After the battle of 13 October, an armistice of indefinite length was agreed upon by the two combatants. Three days later an impressive burial ceremony was performed at Fort George, and the gallant Isaac Brock was interred in the northeast or Brock bastion with a 24-pounder American cannon captured at Detroit at his head. In 1824 the body of Brock was removed from the Fort George bastion, and laid to final rest below the Queenston Heights memorial.⁴⁷

Throughout the autumn of 1812, the British along the Niagara River prepared for a second American attack.

The Enemy appears to be busily employed in preparing for another attack, and I believe, has received reinforcements and supplies of various kinds. We are yet employed in raising works for the protection of the interior of Fort George — the Magazine is considered secure from the effect of hot shot.⁴⁸

The armistice was officially terminated on 20 November 1812. The British resolved to open fire on Fort Niagara immediately in order to cripple it and thereby prevent its use as a base for any proposed early attack on Fort George. The cannonade commenced at 7:30 A.M., 21 November, from Fort George.

During the day the enemy ceased firing at different periods in order to extinguish fires from our heated shot and to obtain supplies of ammunition. A well directed shell burst upon the enemy's North blockhouse and the gun there was dismounted and abandoned. About eleven the old building at Navy Hall, occupied as a garrison mess room was set on fire by the enemy's battery at Youngstown and entirely consumed. From the many excellent shells thrown and the general judicious direction of our fire much serious injury must have been done to the enemy's works and barracks. Captain Holcroft reported that several of their killed and wounded were observed to be removed from Youngstown to the fort. At 5 P.M., it being nearly dark, the enemy ceased firing.⁴⁹

The American fire and expenditure was great but ill-directed, and the collected enemy shot exceeded that fired by the British. The damage to the buildings in Fort George could be repaired in two or three days, and none of the guns or earthworks had been injured. The death of an ex-captain of Butler's Rangers, the aged Barent Frey, was lamented. He was killed while collecting shot "to be sent back to the Americans."⁵⁰ Except for a small skirmish at Frenchman's Creek later in November, the campaign on the Niagara Peninsula for 1812 had come to an end. The Union Jack still flew over the decaying cedar picketing of Fort George, and the post as British military headquarters in Upper Canada would be vital in the spring, when the Americans would attack again.

The problem of strengthening the ruinous and unfinished defences of Fort George was given serious attention by Lieutenant-Colonel Bruyeres of the Royal Engineers. In February, 1813, he recommended that the wooden lines of the stockade be replaced with solid earth ramparts in order to afford adequate protection against cannon fire. Secondly, he suggested that the upper storeys of the blockhouses be taken down to the level of the terreplein as they were too exposed to the enemy guns at Fort Niagara. Finally, he urged that the cluster of public buildings and store houses at Navy Hall should be removed from the river bank to prevent their complete destruction in the event of an attack.⁵¹

The American grand strategy for 1813 was a three-pronged programme. The capture of Kingston was the first objective, the seizure of York and destruction of the ships there was the second, and the reduction of Fort George and Fort Erie on the Niagara River was the third. York was captured on 27 April. The American fleet then proceeded to Fort Niagara on 8 May and landed the troops that had been employed in the reduction of the provincial capital. For several days these troops paraded ostentatiously in open view, in the hope of overawing their opponents by the display of numbers. Many workmen were seen at the same time busily occupied in building boats and constructing new batteries along the river. Reinforcements continued to arrive daily until it was supposed that about 7,000 soldiers were encamped between Lewiston and Fort Niagara. This force was composed almost wholly of regular troops that had been in service for some time and included nine of the best regiments of infantry in the United States army.⁵²

Brigadier General John Vincent had lately assumed command of the British forces on the Niagara front, consisting of the 49th Regiment, five companies of the 8th, three of the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles, two of the Royal Newfoundland Regiment, and a captain's command of Royal Artillery with five field guns, numbering in all about 2,000 officers and men. In addition, Merritt's troop of provincial cavalry, Robert Runchey's company of coloured men, a company of militia artillery, and an uncertain and fluctuating number of militiamen belonging to the five Lincoln Regiments were available.⁵³ Vincent was plagued with difficulties. The undisturbed control of Lake Ontario by the enemy fleet, their numerical superiority, and the dilapidated defences of Fort George gave the Americans a considerable advantage. As the British fleet would not be able to leave Kingston for another week, the Americans could select the point of attack at will.

7 Sketch of the opening phase of the battle of Fort George, the morning of 27 May 1813. (Public Archives of Canada.)

Early in the morning of 25 May 1813, the Americans commenced a heavy bombardment against Fort George. Their fire was wholly successful and every log building in the fort was burned down and the British guns were effectively silenced.⁵⁴ The lake front of the British position was then closely reconnoitred by boats from the enemy fleet, sounding the shore in every direction and placing buoys to mark the stations the ships were to occupy the next day. As for the British, some ineffectual efforts were made to repair the damages of the morning. The tackle and carriage of the gun at the flagstaff in Fort George had been totally destroyed by the flames and could not be replaced. Only a small picket was stationed in the fort during the night, and the remainder of the garrison lay upon their arms on the common, about one-half mile in the rear, in hourly expectation of an alarm.

Shortly after reveille had sounded the next morning, a rocket was seen to rise into the air from Fort Niagara and a single gun was fired at Fort George. This was the signal for all the American batteries to begin a cannonade, which was not returned and ceased at the end of half an hour. The morning was calm and very foggy, though clearing at intervals, and the enemy was seen approaching. The landing and battle which ensued is described in vivid detail by Brigadier General Vincent in a report to Prevost the following day.

15 vessels covered 100 large boats each containing 50-60 men; the point of attack could only be conjectured. The enemy recommended heavy firing from his fort and ships. It became necessary to withdraw all guards and piquets stationed along the coast between our fort and the lighthouse, and a landing was effected at Two Mile Creek. A party of troops and Indians opposed the enemy for a time but were obliged to fall back as the enemy fire from the ships so completely enfiladed and scoured the plains that it became impossible to approach the beach. As day dawned every effort to oppose the enemy landing had failed. Therefore no time was lost in concentrating the British forces on a position between the town, Fort George and the enemy. This movement was admirably covered by the Glengarry Light Infantry, joined by the Royal Newfoundland Regiment and Militia, which commenced skirmishing with the enemy riflemen advancing through the brushwood. The enemy had a perfect command of the beach, and quickly landed 3,000-4,000 men and pieces of artillery. This force instantly advanced in three solid columns along the lake bank. The British light troops fell back to the main body and were supported by the 8th under Major Ogilvie, the whole right division being under the command of Colonel Myers who was wounded three times and succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel Harvey who brought up the 49th. The enemy advanced under cover of their ships and batteries from which the British position was immediately seen and exposed to tremendous fire of shot and shells. Therefore, it was decided to retire to a safer position. We waited for the approach of the enemy for one hour. Received information that the enemy had reformed and was attempting to turn the British high flank.

Every effort had been made to maintain the post of Fort George. However, the contest was so unequal and promised no advantage for His Majesty's service that about 12 [noon] gave orders for the fort to be evacuated, the guns to be spiked and the ammunition destroyed. The troops were put in motion and marched toward Beaver Dams where a depot of provisions had been formed some time since . . . . continued the march towards the head of the lake where it is my intention to take up a position, and I shall endeavor to maintain it until I receive your instructions.⁵⁵

The British had suffered considerable casualties: 52 killed and 306 wounded or missing. The American army had only 40 killed and 120 wounded, but otherwise had little to show for its assault on Fort George. Vincent's force was far from being destroyed and was encamped at Burlington Heights by the time the American army was ordered in pursuit on 1 June.⁵⁶ This advance was effectively and decisively checked by the British and their Indian allies at Stoney Creek, the Forty, and Beaver Dams. The occasional appearance of the British fleet off Newark was an added deterrent, and made the Americans wary of venturing into the inhospitable Canadian woods. By the end of June, 6,000 American soldiers were huddled behind their lines at Fort George where sickness, discontent, and famine prevailed.

However, the Americans were firmly in control of the wreckage of the old fort as well as the town of Newark, and in order to secure their gains they constructed a new fort. The remains of the British fort consisted only of the solid earth bastions and the stone powder magazine. The conquerors therefore built a second fort upon the north end of the original works. This fortification occupied about one-half of the old area. It contained five full bastions connected by earthen curtains — a much more substantial arrangement than the former British stockade. Inside the new defences were three log barracks for the troops and a crude earth and log powder magazine; the old British stone building was left outside the new walls. In addition to the new earthworks the Americans constructed a line of trenches extending from the northwest bastion along to St. Mark's Anglican church, then southeast to the river bank. The new fort thus formed the left of an extensive and well-protected enclosed camp. The main portion of the American army was bivouacked in a tent camp situated behind the trenches and between the fort and the church (see Figs. 3 and 4).

Early in July the British were within a few miles of Fort George, but the American encampment was not considered in any danger as its breastworks, batteries and defences were very formidable and commanding. Nonetheless, the Americans hardly ventured out more than two or three miles, and as a result of the overcrowded conditions, the army was very unhealthy. The sick and some of the cannon and baggage were removed to the other side of the river, "for they are in constant dread of an attack and are continually alarmed."⁵⁷

Throughout the summer of 1813 the British Indians provided invaluable service in the woods about Fort George where their raids on American pickets kept the enemy constantly on guard. The American General Peter B. Porter unwittingly paid an eloquent tribute to the Indians when he wrote disgustedly,

We have an army at Fort George which for two months past has lain panic-stuck, shut up and whipped in by a few hundred miserable savages leaving the whole of this frontier, except the mile in extent which they occupy, exposed to the inroads and depredations of the enemy.⁵⁸

The British siege of Fort George dragged on throughout the summer and was uneventful until the arrival of Sir George Prevost, who decided to go to the Niagara Peninsula and observe the situation for himself. On his arrival, he found,

2,000 British soldiers on an extended line cooping up in Fort George an American force exceeding 4,000 men. Being desirous of assertaining the extent of the enemy's works and viewing the means he possessed of defending the position a general attack was ordered. I found myself close to the fort, and the new entrenched camp which is formed to the right of that work, both of them crowded with men, bristling with cannon and supported by the fire from Fort Niagara on the opposite side of the river. No provocation would induce the Americans to leave their places of shelter. I am now satisfied that Fort George is not to be reduced strengthened as it is and supported by Fort Niagara.⁵⁹

After this curt appraisal, Prevost returned to Kingston late in August, leaving the inhabitants of the Niagara Peninsula and the rank and file of the army in impatient idleness.

Kingston had been the keystone to American military strategy in 1813. By early October, American strength along the Niagara frontier had been dangerously reduced to support the expedition. As a counter-measure the British hurried troops to the St. Lawrence region, leaving only 500 effectives on the Niagara front. This small British force retired to Burlington Heights, thus ending the blockade of Fort George.

The American commander at Fort George, Brigadier General George McClure, with the assistance of the hero of Tippecanoe and the Thames, Major General William Henry Harrison, decided "upon a cordial co-operation against the enemy at Burlington Heights. We shall dislodge them from this stronghold."⁶⁰ After a considerable correspondence and preparation, Harrison, to the disgust of McClure, decided to call off the projected expedition because the enemy had removed to Kingston and little remained at Burlington Heights; Commodore Chauncey was worried, as it was dangerous to navigate on the lake at this late season; and Sackets Harbor might be endangered and troops must be sent there quickly before the winter freeze.⁶¹ The British contingent at Burlington Heights augmented by about 1,000 Indians, had made preparations to resist the American advance. They had felled trees in the road and formed "chevaux de frise," destroyed the bridges, and constructed breastworks on the beach and elsewhere.

By 10 December 1813, McClure had only about 100 men to continue the defence of Fort George. The rest of the American army, composed mostly of militia, had drifted away on the expiration of their period of enlistment, or deserted because of the cold weather, sickness and boredom. McClure received information that the enemy was advancing in strength. He held a council and it was agreed that Fort George was not tenable with the remnants of the force left in it; thus he gave orders to evacuate the fort and return to the American side of the river.⁶² Before departing the Americans fired the town of Newark, leaving the inhabitants in some difficulty and want for the remainder of the winter, and also largely excluding the British army from wintering in the vicinity of Fort George.

The British advance was described by Colonel John Murray, who led the assault.

The enemy evacuated Fort George, burnt Newark and precipitately crossed the river and abandoned the whole of the Niagara frontier. The cannon and stores have been removed, but the attempt to destroy the fortifications which are evidently so much strengthened whilst in his possession, has failed...the enemy might have maintained a regular seige against the British, but such was his apparent panic that he left the whole of his tents standing.⁶³

The following day the American cannon were found in the snow-filled ditches of the fortifications where they had been apparently thrown, as well as an immense quantity of shot and camping equipment.

Late in December the British crossed the river and captured Fort Niagara. Then, in retaliation for the destruction of the town of Newark, they laid waste the American shore and burned Buffalo and Black Rock. Prevost issued a proclamation on 12 January 1814, deprecating the need for such action but assuring the inhabitants of Upper Canada that they would be "Powerfully assisted at all points by the troops under His Excellency's command, and that prompt and signal vengeance will be taken for every fresh departure by the Enemy, from that system of warfare which ought alone to subsist between enlightened and civilized nations."⁶⁴ For the duration of the war the British retained control of the mouth of the Niagara River. The capture of Fort Niagara was important because it allowed the British in the spring of 1814 to commence unhindered the construction of Fort Mississauga (or Riall) opposite Fort Niagara. These two forts, together with Fort George, gave them a strong triangle of fortifications which effectively controlled the entrance to the river and allowed the landing of troops and provisions in relative safety.

Fort George was of immediate concern to Lieutenant General Gordon Drummond, the new British commander in the Niagara sector. "I consider it advisable that it should be put into a respectable state of defense, which, as the works are not materially impaired, can be done in the spring without much labor or expenses."⁶⁵ The renewal of military operations was to commence in the spring, and the greatest activity prevailed in repairing Forts George and Niagara, and building Fort Mississauga. "This [last] fort completely commands the entrance of the Niagara River. So long as we keep the lake the enemy could only have possession temporarily of some part of the frontier. Every person now turned out with more zeal and confidence than at any former period."⁶⁶

Events in Europe in the spring of 1814 were encouraging to Prevost and those concerned with the defence and security of British North America. The abdication of Napoleon at Fontainebleau on 11 April made it possible to send seasoned British Peninsular War veterans to the Canadas. Also of significance was the mistaken decision taken by the American cabinet to direct again the main war effort in 1814 against the northwest and the Niagara Peninsula, instead of against Kingston or Montreal. British military preparations along the Niagara River were, as usual, inadequate. The office of the Royal Engineers complained that "For Want of Men the Defence [of Fort George] does not advance so Rapidly."⁶⁷ In a series of questions proposed to the officers of artillery and engineers in the early summer of 1814, it was answered that the fort defences were wholly deficient.

Major General Phineas Riall, second in command to Drummond, wrote,

Fort George is in a very bad state of defence and can make little or no resistance against an army computed at between 5,000-6,000 men, with a due proportion of heavy artillery, and the only thing to prevent it being taken by assault is a bad row of picquets. If Fort George falls, the enemy will be able to make a regular attack against Fort Niagara. Fort Mississauga will be much weakened if George and Niagara fall, as all supplies will be cut off.⁶⁸

The American army along the Niagara, now under the command of Major General Jacob Brown, crossed the river above the falls on 3 July 1814 and captured the weakly defended Fort Erie. This success was followed by the Battle of Chippawa two days later, which forced the British to fall back to Fort George. Brown advanced to Queenston and awaited the appearance of the squadron of Commodore Chauncey which would force the British to retreat to Burlington Heights. But the overly cautious Chauncey did not leave Sackets Harbor, being afraid of what Sir James Yeo might attempt in his absence.

Desultory skirmishing occurred on 13 July about one-half mile from Fort George, in which the American Brigadier General John Swift was killed. On 15 July the Americans advanced in strength to establish their position and to conduct operations against the three forts of George, Mississauga and Niagara. Riall wrote to his superior, Drummond, who was still at Kingston, that,

Lt. Colonel Tucker has been instructed to hold out to the last extremity all the forts. The garrisons that have been left in them are fully sufficient for their defence. In Fort George are nearly 400 of the Royals, 200 of the 100th, and 60 Artillery. In Mississauga, 290 of the King's, the Coloured Corps, Military Artificers, and others, making with artillery 400 men. In Fort Niagara the 41st, and the whole of the Marine Artillery.⁶⁹

The Americans made another demonstration against Fort George on 20 July and threw up some earthworks to commence cannon fire. But Major General Brown was becoming increasingly aware of his own growing weakness at Queenston and in front of Fort George. His field force was reduced by sickness and casualties to less than 3,000, and he was getting no co-operation from the navy. The continual skirmishing had not induced the British to leave their fortifications, and after consideration, Brown decided to withdraw to Queenston and then back to Chippawa. The three forts were never endangered for the duration of the war.

Sir Gordon Drummond, on the morning of 25 July, finally arrived at Fort George via the schooner Netly from York. Riall had moved toward Niagara Falls in pursuit of Brown, Drummond was eager for action and lost no time in getting involved.

I ordered Lt. Col. Morrison with the 89th and detachments of the Royals and King's drawn from Forts George and Mississauga to proceed to Niagara Falls, in order to unite against the enemy. At the same time I ordered Lt. Col. Tucker to proceed on the right bank of the river with 300 of the 41st, and about 200 of the Royal Scots, and a body of Indian warriors. Having refreshed the troops at Queenston and having brought across Tucker's column I sent back the 41st to form a garrison at the forts. I then moved with the 89th and detachments of the Royals and King's and the Light Company of the 41st, in all 800 men, to join Riall's division at the Falls.⁷⁰

What followed was the hard fought but indecisive Battle of Lundy's Lane. However, the retreat of the American army to Fort Erie the next day made it a tactical British success.

The rest of the 1814 campaign along the Niagara River was a stalemate. The Americans remained behind their strong fortifications at Fort Erie, and the British stubbornly maintained a siege, but without success. Throughout the summer and autumn Fort George was used as a depot, receiving provisions and stores from Montreal and Kingston for the British army in the field. During these months two large splinter-proof barracks and a new stone powder magazine were built at the fort. No further improvements were made. Thus, the campaign of 1814 in the Niagara sector ended. Both sides went into winter quarters after the fight at Cook's Mill in November, and the Treaty of Ghent, signed 24 December 1814, terminated the conflict on the basis of status quo ante bellum.

After the War of 1812, the problem of maintaining the costly frontier posts presented grave difficulties. The Royal Engineers argued that the defence of Fort George did not afford advantages, and suggested that the less expense carried there the better. Although the Americans had strengthened and altered the structure of the fort and the British had built two new barracks for 300 men, the site was considered much inferior to that at Mississauga Point. If expense and work was to be done, "[we] should labour at the mouth of the Niagara River. A permanent fort instead of a Fieldwork is desirable...labour would add much to the strength of the present point works."⁷¹

8 The British stone powder magazine, the only original building remaining at Fort George.

9 Interior view of the reconstructed Fort George, showing the officers' quarters on the left, and a soldiers' blockhouse barracks on the right.

Major General Frederick Robinson, one of Wellington's officers during the Peninsular War, echoed the opinion of the Engineers.

Fort George is of no military value as a work of defence, although it serves the very useful purpose of confining a part of the Canadian regiment at night, and also contains a new magazine and ordnance stores. I beg leave therefore to recommend its being left untouched for the present as it will gradually crumble away and may be destroyed at any time in a few hours by small mines placed in the salient angles of the Bastions.⁷²

The final decision was made by Gordon Drummond, the commander in chief, who agreed with this expert advice and ordered that "the expense of keeping up the old and useless Fort George, already tumbling into ruins, be discontinued."⁷³ British troops were still quartered in the log barracks of Fort George, but Fort Mississauga had replaced the historic and battered ruins of the older fort as the major military installation in the area.

In 1817 Captain R. Langslow of the East India Company's service travelled to Newark. Although he enjoyed the officer's mess of the 70th Regiment then stationed at Fort George he thought the barracks was infamous. "The post had been curtailed one-half," he stated, "and Fort Mississauga was a strong little star fort with a block tower in the centre."⁷⁴ Also in this year the president of the United States, James Monroe, during a goodwill tour visited historic Fort George and was received with great civility by the officers.⁷⁵

An unfortunate incident in the autumn of 1818 marred the harmony and peaceful co-existence which had always been displayed between the civilian population in the town and the military personnel of Fort George. A corporal of mild and quiet disposition and a private were excused to go to a juggling exhibition in the town. About 11:00 P.M. the two soldiers went to an inn, noted for "riot and disorder," for a drink. The workmen, including the proprietor, attacked, punched and kicked the two men and forced them outside. The soldiers retreated to Fort George, but soon returned to the inn with reinforcements. A general melée followed, in which one civilian was killed as the result of receiving a blow on the head with a stick. The military co-operated fully with the civil authorities in an effort to discover the truth about a "matter so fatal an exception to the acknowledged uniform good understanding which has always subsisted betwixt the inhabitants of this town, the Province and the Regiment under my command."⁷⁶ This nasty incident apparently did not alienate the town from the garrison. Undoubtedly concerned with the continuation of economic profits, the merchants and other civilians of Newark wrote urgent memorials to the Duke of Richmond, newly appointed as governor in chief, pleading for reassurance that the town would not be abandoned by the British military, as a result of this rare misunderstanding.

A year after this affair, Adam Hodgson visited the area and "found at the village of Niagara about 400 British soldiers in a miserable fortress mouldering to decay with little appearance of discipline or respectability."⁷⁷ In 1826, in spite of petitions from the civilian population, military headquarters was removed from Fort George to York, but a small detachment was left to garrison the post.⁷⁸ By 1832, traveller E. T. Coke dismissed the fort by observing that "it had some low wooden decayed barracks."⁷⁹ The small remaining contingent of Royal Artillery was transferred to Mississauga in 1836, and in 1839 the Fort George barracks were converted into stables,⁸⁰ A final description of the old fort was presented by the touring American historian, Benson J. Lossing, who visited the abandoned mounds in the summer of 1860 and noted that,

The breastworks in all directions were quite perfect, and the entire form of the fort could be traced without difficulty. There were two or three houses within the works, and the parade and other portions were devoted to the cultivation of garden vegetables.⁸¹

In the years that followed, the Fort George plain was used as a race track, and a Canadian army summer camp was established later and survived until the mid-1960s.

In the spring of 1937 a project for the reconstruction of Fort George was begun by the Niagara Parks Commission under the direction of Ronald L. Way. The work was completed in the summer of 1940. The official opening of the restored fort was postponed, however, until the end of World War II. In June 1950, in an impressive ceremony complete with numerous dignitaries and Canadian and American military forces, Fort George was formally declared open to the public. The site was transferred to the National and Historic Parks Branch of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development in 1969. Today the fort, rebuilt according to the original plans of the Royal Engineers, depicts Fort George as it existed during the British occupation of 1796-1813.